By Rosemary Overell (auth.)
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Additional info for Affective Intensities in Extreme Music Scenes: Cases from Australia and Japan
Nobu, Osaka) Brutal, however, often extends beyond the commendation of a particular musician or group. For many scene members, it is used in everyday life to indicate something they enjoy, or like: Brutal = the best; in the best possible way incompassing [sic] all elements or being the best. (Shawn, Melbourne, via email) Brutal means to me something that is good. (Andy, Melbourne, via email) In Osaka, burutaru regularly peppered scene members’ Japanese conversations, even outside of discussions of raibuhausu and music.
Of relevance to this book is their connection between the abstract ‘soundings’ of music and the material spaces that it co-constitutes. This idea can be used to understand why particular sites of grindcore production and consumption become grindcore spaces of belonging. Further, Wood, Duffy et al. offer music as a means of accessing affective, inarticulable responses to particular spaces and cultural context (p. 884). I wish to supplement these NRT approaches to music with the work of Dolar (2006) on ‘the voice’.
Surprisingly, however, such a crucial part of scenic practice is minimised. Kahn-Harris positions moshing as primarily an (albeit ‘bodily’ [p. 44]) example of extreme metal’s transgressiveness from rock spectatorship norms, rather than as potentially generating a collective experience of belonging. In his book, Berger offers a rich, but short, description of a mosh pit, in a rare acknowledgment of the death metal audience (pp. 70–3). However, despite his interest in the phenomenological aspects of the musical experience, he posits the mosh as a site of structured dancing, rather than affect.